Chapter XVIII The Power of Words in Magic—Some Linguistic Data

I

The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic analysis of two magical texts, and by a general survey of a greater number, what sort of words are believed to exercise magical power. This, of course, does not mean that we are under the delusion that the composers or inventors of magic had a theory about the efficiency of words, and carried this theory into practice by inventing the formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society, though not codified, can be found out by analysing human behaviour; as we reach the underlying principles of law and social propriety by examining customs and manners; as in the study of rites, we see some definite tenets of belief and dogmas—so, in analysing the direct verbal expressions of certain modes of thinking in the magical formulæ, we are justified in assuming that these modes of thinking must have somehow guided those who shaped them. The exact manner in which we must imagine the relation between a typical way of thinking in a society on the one hand, and the fixed, crystallised results of this thinking on the other, is a problem of Social Psychology. For this branch of science we are, in ethnography, under the obligation of gathering material, but we need not encroach upon its field of study.

Thus much may, however, be put down, that, in whatever manner we might imagine a spell to have come into existence, it cannot be considered as the creation of one man; for as has been said before, if we examine any one of them, not with the eyes of the natives, but as outside critics, each spell shows unmistakable signs of being a collection of linguistic additions from different epochs. There is in practically every one of them a good deal of archaic material, but not a single one bears the stamp of having come down to us in the same form in which it must have presented itself a few generations ago. So that it may be said that a spell is constantly being remoulded as it passes through the chain of magicians, each probably leaving his mark, however small, upon it. It is the general attitude in matters of magical belief common to all of the successive holders which will be at the bottom of all the regularities, all the typical features found in the spells.

I shall adduce a formula of canoe magic and one of the spells belonging to the mwasila, choosing two texts of which a translation and a commentary of average quality have been obtained, and which show clearly the several characteristic features of verbal magic. Those who are not interested in linguistic technicalities and details of method, may omit the following division, and take up the trend of our argument at division XII.

II

The following text is the wayugo spell, obtained from Layseta, the headman of Kopila, one of the sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary was obtained from himself, and from another informant, Motago’i, a man of exceptional intelligence, and a very straightforward and a reliable informant. This spell has been given in free translation before in Chapter V, and, as has been said there, the rite consists simply in chanting the words over five coils of the wayugo creeper put on a wooden platter between two mats.

Wayugo Spell A. U’ula (Initial Part) 1 1 Kala His bosisi’ula, ritual eating of fish, kala his bomwalela. tabooed inside. 2 2 Papapa, Flutter, siliubida, betel plant, monagakalava. leaving behind. 3 3 Tubugu Kalabotawosi, Grandfather Kalabotawosi, Tubugu Kwaysa’i, grandfather Kwaysa’i, Tubugu Pulupolu, grandfather Pulupolu, Tubugu Semkuku, grandfather Semkuku, Tubugu Kabatuwayaga, grandfather Kabatuwayaga, Tubugu Ugwaboda, grandfather Ugwaboda, Tubugu Kitava, grandfather Kitava, Bulumava’u Nawabudoga, new spirit Nawabudoga, kaykapwapu immediate predecessor Mogilawota. Mogilawota. 4 4 Kusilase You sit onikola, on canoe slips, bukwa’u’i kambu’a. you chew your areca-nut. 5 5 Kwawoyse You take bisalena his pandanus streamer Kaykudayuri (of) Kaykudayuri Kusaylase you place (it) odabana on top Teula (of) Teula. 6 6 Basivila, I might turn, basivitake’i I might turn on Kitava miTo’uru, Kitava your Touru, mimilaveta your sea-arm Pilolu. Pilolu. 7 7 Nagayne To-day isipukayse they kindle girina festive fire Kaykudayuri. (of) Kaykudayuri. 8 8 Kumwam Thou bind together dabem thy skirt Siyaygana, Siyaygana, bukuyova. thou fly. 9 9 Bakabima I might clutch kaykabila, the adze handle, bakipatuma I might grip yogwayogula the component sticks. 10 10 Baterera I might fly odabana on top (of) Kuyawa. Kuyawa. B. TAPWANA (MAIN PART) 11 11 Odabana Kuyawa, On top (of) Kuyawa, odabana Kuyawa on top (of) Kuyawa … … (repeated several times) bayokokoba I might become like smoke odabana Kuyawa; on top (of) Kuyawa; bayowaysulu I might become invisible odabana Kuyawa; on top (of) Kuyawa; bayovivilu’a, etc.; I might become as a wind eddy, etc. bayomwaleta, etc.; I might become alone, etc.; bayokarige, etc.; I might become as dead, etc. bayotamwa’u, etc; I might disappear, etc.; bayogugwa’u, etc.; I might become like mist, etc. 12 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva for Kuyawa. 13 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La’u for Kuyawa. After this, the *u’ula* is repeated, and then a secondary *tapwana* follows. 14 14 Bakalatatava, I might heel over, bakalatatava I might heel over … … (repeated several times) ula sibu my keel bakalatatava I might heel over; ulo koumwali my canoe gunwale bakalatatava I might heel over uli sirota, etc. my canoe bottom, etc. ulo katukulu, etc.; my prow, etc.; ulo gelu, etc. my rib, etc. ulo kaysuya, etc. my threading stick, etc.; uli tabuyo, etc.; my prow-board, etc.; uli lagim, etc.; my transverse board, etc.; ulo kawaydala, etc. my canoe side, etc. The *u’ula* is repeated again and the spell is closed by the *dogina* (concluding part). C. Dogina (Conclusion) 15 15 Kalubasisi (Untranslatable) kalubayo’u; flying(?); kuvaylise mayena, you hit his tongue, kuvaylise you hit bubuwala, his chest, kulakwoyse you untie kala his sibu keel waga. canoe. 16 16 Wagam, Canoe (thou art) kousi, ghost, wagam, canoe, (thou art) vivilu’a, wind eddy, kuyokarige thou vanish Siyaygana, Siyaygana, bukuyova. thou fly. 17 17 Kwarisasa Thou pierce kamkarikeda thy sea-passage Kadimwatu; Kadimwatu; kwaripwo thou break through kabaluna nose his Saramwa; Saramwa; kwabadibadi thou meet Loma. Loma. 18 18 Kuyokarige, Thou become as dead, kuyotamwa’u, thou disappear, kuyovivilu’a thou become as a wind eddy, kuyogugwa’u. thou become like mist. 19 19 Kusola Thou mould kammayamaya, the fine sand, kwotutine thou cut kamgulupeya; thy seaweed; kuna, thou go, kugoguna thou put on kambwoymatala. thy butia wreath.

We have here the native text, translated word for word, each expression and formative affix being rendered by its English equivalent. In obtaining such a verbatim translation and subsequently putting it into a free, intelligible English rendering, there are two main difficulties to be overcome. A considerable proportion of the words found in magic do not belong to ordinary speech, but are archaisms, mythical names and strange compounds, formed according to unusual linguistic rules. Thus the first task is to elucidate the obsolete expressions, the mythical references, and to find the present day equivalents of any archaic words. Even if we obtain a series of meanings corresponding to each term of the original text, there is often considerable difficulty in linking these meanings together. Magic is not built up in the narrative style; it does not serve to communicate ideas from one person to another; it does not purport to contain a consecutive, consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving special purposes, intended for the exercise of man’s specific power over things, and its meaning, giving this word a wider sense, can be understood only in correlation to this aim. It will not be therefore a meaning of logically or topically concatenated ideas, but of expressions fitting into one another and into the whole, according to what could be called a magical order of thinking, or perhaps more correctly, a magical order of expressing, of launching words towards their aim. It is clear that this magical order of verbal concatenations—I am purposely avoiding the expression ‘magical logic’ for there is no logic in the case—must be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to understand the spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in ‘reading’ such documents, and only an acquaintance with a great number makes one more confident and more competent.

III.

In the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I tried to obtain from the magician the equivalents, word for word, of the more cryptic expressions. As a rule the magician himself knows a good deal more than anyone else about the mythical references, and about certain esoteric expressions contained in the spell. There are some unintelligent old men, unfortunately, who rattle off a formula, and who evidently never were interested about its significance or else forgot all about it, and are no good as commentators. Often a fairly good informant, quite capable of reciting a spell slowly and intelligibly, without losing his thread, will be of no use as linguistic informant, that is in helping to obtain a definition of a word, in assisting to break it up into its formative parts; in explaining which words belong to ordinary speech, which are dialectic, which are archaic, and which are purely magical compounds. I had only a few informants who could help me in this way, and among them the previously mentioned Motago’i was one of the best.

The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an approximate manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar would have to be given first. It will be enough, however, to show in broad outline the main linguistic features of a spell, as well as the methods which have been used in constructing the free translation given in the previous chapters.

The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the longer spells. The first part is called u’ula. This word means the ‘bottom part’ of a tree or post, the ‘foundation’ of any structure, and in more figurative uses, it means ‘reason,’ ‘cause,’ or, again, ‘beginning.’ It is in this last sense that the natives apply it to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a magical formula. The second part of the spell is called tapwana, literally: ‘surface,’ ‘skin,’ ‘body,’ ‘trunk,’ ‘middle part’ of a tree, ‘main part’ of a road, and thus ‘main part’ of a spell or song. The word dogina, literally the ‘tip’ or ‘end,’ used for the ‘tip’ of a tree or the ‘end’ of a tail, is used to designate the ‘final part’ or the ‘conclusion’ of a spell. Sometimes the word dabwana, ‘top,’ or ‘head,’ (not human head) is substituted for dogina. Thus the spell must be imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the basis, the u’ula, its main part where the middle trunk would be, and its end at the tip, the dogina.

The opening words of the u’ula in this spell are short, cutting, pithy expressions, each standing for its own cycle of ideas, for a sentence or even a whole story. In this they are typical of the beginnings of Kiriwinian spells. They are also typical, in the great difficulty which they present to the interpreter. Out of the seven words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not belong to ordinary speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words bosisi’ula and bomwalela are made up first of the prefix bo-, which carries with it the meaning of ‘tabooed,’ ‘belonging to magic,’ and of the two roots sisiula and mwalela, neither of which is a complete word. The first is the root part of the word visisi’ula, which designates a custom associated with this magic. At certain times, in connection with the performance of the wayugo rite, the magician has fits of trembling and then he has to be given some baked fish, and after partaking of it his trembling fit passes. The natives say that he trembles like a bisila (pandanus streamer) and that this shows that his magic is good, since the trembling of the pandanus is a symbol of speed. Mwalela is derived from olumwalela which means ‘inside.’ With the prefix bo- the word can be translated ‘the tabooed inside.’

It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these two expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have an allusion to a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling which symbolises speed, and we have an expression ‘tabooed inside.’ The custom of eating fish after trembling has a magical importance. It adds to the efficiency of magic, as all such observances do. The force or merit of this observance, which, dissociated from the spell and the rite can have no direct effect, is made available by being mentioned in the formula; it is so to speak, magically discounted. This is the best way in which I can interpret the two words of ritual eating and of tabooed interior of the magician.

The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The word papapa, ‘flutter,’ stands for a phrase: “let the canoe speed so that the pandanus leaves flutter.” Of course the word expresses much more than this sentence, because it is intelligible only to those who are acquainted with the part played by the pandanus leaves in the decoration of canoes, with the native ideas about magical association between flutter and speed, and with the ritual use of pandanus streamers. Therefore the word has a meaning only if taken with the context of this formula, in connection with its aim, with the various associated ideas and customs. To the native, who knows all this and in whose mind the whole context rises, when he hears or repeats ‘papapa’ the word quivers with magical force. The word silubida, an especial magical transformation of lilobida, stands for a certain variety of the betel pepper plant. The word monagakalava is again an elaborate compound carrying the meaning ‘to leave behind.’ The betel plant is a common magical ingredient, and in this spell, the ancestral spirits will presently be invited to chew betel-nut. ‘Leaving behind’ undoubtedly refers to the other canoes which will be outrun by that of the reciter. Both these words, therefore, can be placed without much difficulty into the context of this spell. It is quite clear, as has been said, that each of these expressions stands alone and represents a self-contained cycle of ideas. The two expressions of sentence 1 probably do belong to one another, but even they represent each one-half of a complex story.

Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of whom are said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this magic. The words kwaysa’i, ‘stormy sea,’ and pulupolu, ‘boiling up,’ ‘foaming up,’ suggest that the names are significant and therefore mythical. Nawabudoga, a Kitavan man, was father of the last-mentioned one, Mogilawota, a maternal relative of the present owner. We see here, therefore, a good case of ‘magical filiation,’ by which the present owner, a man of Sinaketa, is connected with the mythical district of Kitava.

The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much clearer and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. They are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, ‘the craft of the Kudayuri,’ and to place the pandanus streamers on the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech, expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip. It must be noted that, according to the present belief at least, the spirits are not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe at the behest of the magician, but as passive companions only. Sentence 6 contains a scornful address to his companions; the magician in prospect sees himself sailing ahead towards the mountains; as he turns round, the Kitava men, that is his companions, are far behind on the beach of To’uru, and the whole sea-arm of Pilolu still lies before them.

In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling the fire by the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees himself carrying out this privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks always of his canoe under the name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical flying canoe of ancient times. In 8, the canoe is addressed as a flying witch, who is asked to bind her skirt together and to fly. In 9, the magician verbally retraces an incident from the original myth of Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe, and strikes it, whereupon the canoe flies.

Thus the u’ula begins with archaic, condensed compounds each carrying a self-contained cycle of magical meaning. Then follows a list of forbears; then more explicit and, at the same time more dramatic sentences; an invocation to ancestral spirits, the anticipated victory in speed, the reconstructed mythical incident.

IV

Let us pass now to the tapwana. This is always the longest part of a spell, since we have a whole list of words which have to be repeated with several key expressions, of which in the present case there are three. Moreover, the magician can ad libitum repeat the same words over and over again with a key word. He will not go in any fixed order over all the words of the list, but is allowed, in this part of the formula, to return and repeat with one key-word the various items of the list.

It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which the magical formulæ are actually recited. The opening words are always intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not permanently fixed, but varies with the magician. The first words are repeated some several times. Thus here, kala bosisi’ula would be reiterated three or four times, and so would be the following two words (kala bomwalela). The words of No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously but not repeated. The list of ancestors is run over quickly and perfunctorily. The rest of the u’ula, its dramatic part so to speak, is spoken with less melody, more with the ordinary speaking voice and more rapidly.

Then comes the last sentence of the u’ula, which in almost all spells links it up with the main part. This is always intoned slowly, solemnly and distinctly; the voice drops at the end by the interval of a tone. In the tapwana, the key word, or key expression, which forms always the concluding part of the u’ula, is taken up again. It is repeated several times, as if to fix or rub it well in. Then, dropping into a quick, continuous stream of utterance, the magician runs over one word of the list after the other. The key-word is inserted between each of them, said sometimes once, sometimes two or three times. It gives an effect as if the key-word were being rubbed in into every one of the other expressions. They as a rule spoken more slowly, mark the rhythm of this part. The reciting of the last part of a spell, the dogina or dabwana, is more perfunctory, usually it is rather spoken than chanted.

After this digression, let us return to the analysis of our spell. It is a rule that the tapwana, the main part of a formula, is easier to translate, expressed in less archaic and less condensed terms, than the u’ula. The tapwana of this spell has quite easy key-words, both in its first and in its second part. In the first one (phrase 11) the key-words are of mythical nature, referring to localities associated with the flying of one of the Kudayuri sisters. In the second tapwana, the key-word means: ‘I might heel over’ or ‘I shall heel over,’ that is with speed. And this expression stands here for: ‘I shall overtake,’ and the list of words pronounced with this verb denotes the various parts of a canoe. The second part of the tapwana (phrase 14) is much more typical than the first, because the key word is a verb, whilst the list words are nouns. It is typical also, in that the verb expresses, in a simple and direct manner, the magical effect of the spell (the overtaking of the other canoes) whereas the sum of the words of the list gives the object of the spell, that is, the canoe. Such tapwana, in which the magical action is expressed as a verb, while in the list of words we have mentioned the various parts of a garden or of fishing nets, or weapons or parts of the human body, are to be found in all classes of magic.

The first part of the tapwana (phrases 11, 12, and 13) is less typical, in so far that the verbs depicting various magical actions are relegated into the list, while the key-words are adverbial expressions of locality. The verbal links of the long chain express all and one in a metaphoric manner the speed of the canoe. ‘I shall fly, I shall become like smoke, I shall become invisible, I shall become as a wind eddy, etc,’ are all rather picturesque, concrete descriptions of surpassing speed. They present also a linguistic symmetry and singularity. The prefix ba- is the form of the future or potential tense, which I have literally translated ‘might,’ but which stands here for ‘shall.’ The formative prefix yo- is a causative, and stands for ‘become as’ or ‘become like.’ Then follows the root: kokoba- ‘smoke which trails in clouds above a burning garden.’ Hence the expression bayokokoba, in its full concrete meaning, could be translated: ‘I shall become like clouds of trailing smoke.’ Again, boyowaysula in its full meaning could be translated: ‘I shall become invisible as distant spray.’ The only abstract word in this list is tamwa’u, which literally means, ‘to disappear.’ So, in this tapwana, the list consists of a number of formally similar words, each expressing the same general meaning in a concrete metaphorical manner. The length of the whole tapwana (main body) of the spell can be imagined, since in the middle between its two sections the u’ula is recited once more.

The last part of this spell, the dogina, contains an explicit allusion to the Kudayuri myth and to several geographic localities, which are mentioned in that myth. It also shows the usual crescendo, characteristic of the conclusions of a spell. The final results are anticipated in exaggerated, forceful language.

V

So much about the wayugo spell. I shall adduce now another spell of a somewhat different type, belonging to the mwasila (Kula magic). It is distinctly a more modern formula; there are hardly any archaic expressions; words are not used, as independent sentences each; on the whole it is easily understandable and has a consecutive meaning.

Rayikuna Sulumwoya (also called Sumgeyyata) A. U’ula (Initial Part) 1 1 Avayta’u Who netata’i cuts sulumwoyala the mint plant of Laba’i? Laba’i? Yaygu, I, Kwoyregu, Kwoyregu, sogu together with tamagu, my father, katata’i we cut sulumwoyala the mint plant of Laba’i. Laba’i. 2 2 Silimwaynunuva, The roaring sulumwoya, inunuva; it roars; silimwayniku, the quaking sulumwoya iniku; it quakes; silimwayyega, the soughing sulumwoya, iyega; it soughs; silimwaypolu, the boiling sulumwoya, ipolu. it boils. B.—Tapwana (Main Part) 3 3 Ipolu, It boils, ipolu it boils, ipolu it boils … … agu my sulumwoya mint plant ipolu; it boils; agu my vana, herb ornaments, ipolu; it boils agu my kena lime spatula ipolu; it boils; agu my yaguma lime pot ipolu; it boils; agu my sinata comb ipolu; it boils; agu my mo’i mat ipolu; it boils; agu my pari presentation goods ipolu; it boils; agu my vataga big basket ipolu; it boils; agu my kauyo personal basket ipolu; it boils; agu my lilava magical bundle ipolu. it boils. Dabagu my head ipolu; it boils; kabulugu my nose ipolu; it boils; kaygadugu my occiput ipolu; it boils; mayyegu my tongue ipolu; it boils; tabagu my larynx ipolu; it boils; kawagu my speaking organ ipolu; it boils; wadogu my mouth ipolu; it boils; ula my woyla Kula courting ipolu. it boils. C.—Dogina (Conclusion) 4 4 Bulumava’u New spirit kadagu my maternal uncle Mwoyalova Mwoyalova kuvapwo thou breathe   (the spell over) dabana the head (of) Monikiniki, Monikiniki, kuvapokayma thou breathe   (the spell over) dabana the head (of) agu my touto’u. light wood. 5 5 Avaliwo I kick koya— the mountain— isikila it tilts over, koya; the mountain; imwaliku it subsides, koya; the mountain; ikaywa’u it opens up, koya; the mountain; isabwani it jubilates, koya; the mountain itakubile it topples over, koya; the mountain; itakubilatala it topples down, koya. the mountain. 6 6 Avapwoyma I breathe   (a spell over) dabana the head (of) Koyava’u; Koyava’u; avapokayma I charm lopoum thy inside   (of) Siyaygana; Siyaygana   (canoe); akulubeku I drown wagana the waga akulisonu I submerge lumanena. the lamina. 7 7 Gala Not butugu, my renown butugu my renown pilapala; thunder; gala not valigu, my treading, valigu my treading lumwadudu noise made by flying witches(?) tudududu. tudududu.

The opening sentences of the formula are so clear that the translation word for word explains itself without any closer commentary, except of course as far as the names are concerned. Laba’i is a village in the North of Kiriwina, and it plays a considerable part in the mythology of the origin of man, since several of the principal sub-clans emerged there from underground. Laba’i is also the home of the mythical culture-hero Tudava. The mythology of the Kula, however, does not include Laba’i amongst the places, on which it touches. Perhaps this somewhat anomalous features of the formula may be connected with its obvious linguistic modernity? The other personal name mentioned in this spell is Kwoyregu, on which Layseta, who gave me this magic, commented in the following manner:

“A man, he lived in Laba’i, the master of the magic. It was not this man who first knew the magic of Monikiniki. That magic was partly found by Tokosikuna, partly in olden days in Sinaketa.”

In explaining this commentary it must be noted that the informant was a Sinaketan man, hence his local patriotism, for there is no definite, mythological version connecting the early practice of the mwasila with the village of Sinaketa. As we saw, Tokosikuna is indeed one of the mythical heroes with whose story the magic of mwasila is associated. Monikiniki is the name of one of the systems of the mwasila magic, which usually is said to come from a man of that name.

Phrase 2 of this spell contains four couples, each consisting of a compound and a verb. The substantival compounds have all, according to the alliterative symmetry so dear to Kiriwinian magic, the prefix silimway-, derived from sulumwoya, the mint plant. Such play on words, especially on what is the leading word in a spell, as sulumwoya is here, shows that the purely phonetic handling of words must be associated with the idea or feeling of their inherent power. The keyword of the tapwana (phrase 3), has been translated, literally ‘it boils.’ Perhaps it might have been translated in its other slightly different meaning ‘it foams.’ Probably it has both meanings to the mind of the native reciter. I think that the use of a word fraught with two meanings at the same time is one of the characteristics of native language. In this spell, for instance, the word polu appears as one in a series of such verbs as ‘to roar,’ ‘to quake,’ ‘to sough,’ all carrying the meaning of ‘noise,’ ‘commotion,’ ‘stir,’ a meaning which is in harmony with the magical effects to be produced by the mwasila magic. In this context the obvious translation of the word would be: ‘to foam.’ On the other hand, this spell is said over a piece of mint, which will be preserved in boiled coco-nut oil, and the double meaning here contained might be paraphrased in this manner: “as the oil of the sulumwoya boils, so may my renown (or the eagerness of my partner?) foam up.” Thus the word polu would link up the meaning of the rite of boiling with the context of this spell. This explanation, however, has not been obtained from a native informant, though it is undoubtedly in keeping with the general type of current explanations. What I have called before the magical concatenation of magical ideas consists in just such connections of words and their meanings.

The dogina (final part) contains one or two typical features. For instance, in phrase 4, the maternal uncle of the present reciter is asked to breathe the spell over the head of Monikiniki. In this, the present owner of the spell identifies his canoe with that of the mythical hero. In 5, 6 and 7, we have several grandiloquent expressions such as that referring to the commotion on the mountain; that comparing his renown to thunder, and his treading to the noise made by mulukwausi; and that describing how the waga will sink, through being overfilled with valuables. The last part would, as usual, be recited in a much more perfunctory and quick manner, giving it the effect of piling up words, one forceful phrase following another It ends with the onomatopoetic sound tudududu … which stands for the roll of the thunder.

VI

The two specimens of magic here given in the original with a verbal translation, show how the linguistic analysis allows us a much deeper insight into the magical value of words, as it is felt by the natives. On the one hand, the various phonetic characteristics show the handling of words when these have to convey magical force. On the other hand, only an analysis word for word of the spells could give us a good insight into the frequently mentioned magical concatenation of ideas and verbal expressions. It is, however, impossible to adduce here all the spells in their full original version with linguistic comments, as this would lead us into a treatise on the language of magic. We may, however, quickly pass over some of the other spells and point out in them the salient features of magical expression, and thus amplify the results so far obtained by the detailed analysis of these two spells.

Of course these two examples belong to the longer type consisting of three parts. Many of the spells previously quoted in free translation contain no main part, though it is possible to distinguish their u’ula (exordium) from their dogina (finale). The very first spell quoted in Chapter V, the formula of the Vabusi Tokway (the expulsion of the wood-sprite) is an anomalous one. It is an invocation, and it is not even chanted but has to be spoken in a low persuasive voice. It consists of two parts: in the first one the word kubusi (‘thou comest down’) used as an imperative, ‘come down!’ is repeated with all sorts of descriptions and circumscriptions of the woodsprites. In the second part, several sentences are repeated to make the wood-sprite feel that he has been chased away. Both the keyword of the first part, kubusi, and the sentences of the second part have a direct force of their own. It must be realised that, for the natives, it is a great insult to be told to go away. Yoba, the ‘expulsion,’ the ‘command to go,’ stands in a category of its own. People are yoba’d, expelled from communities in certain circumstances, and a man would never dream of remaining, when thus treated. Therefore the words in this spell possess a force due to social sanctions of native custom. The next spell, given in Chapter VI, the Kaymomwa’u, is also anomalous for it consists of one part only. The word kubusi, ‘come down’ is also repeated here, with various words designating defilements and broken taboos. These qualities are, however, not thought of as personified beings. The force of the word is probably also derived from the ideas about the yoba.

The second spell, which is a pendant to the Kaymomwa’u, the Kaygagabile, or spell of lightness, begins with a typical u’ula:—

Susuwayliguwa (repeated); He fails to outrun me; Titavaguwa (repeated); the canoe trembles with speed; mabuguwa (repeated) magical word; mabugu, mabugu, mabugamugwa; mabugu-ancient; mabugu, mabugu, mabuguva’u. mabugu-new.

The first two words are compounds with prefixes and suffixes added for magical purposes, as a sort of magical trimming. The untranslatable word, said by the natives to be megwa wala (‘just magic’) is repeated several times in symmetry with the previous two words and then with the two suffixes; ancient and new. Such repetitions with prefixes or suffixes of antithetic meaning are a frequent feature of magical trimming of words. This exordium affords a clear example of the magical play on words, of transformations for the sake of rhythm and symmetry; of repetitions of the same words with antithetic affixes. In the following part of the spell, the word ka’i (tree) is repeated with verbs:—‘the tree flies’ etc., and it functions as a key-word. It is difficult to decide whether this part is a true tapwana or only one of the not infrequent examples of an u’ula with a keyword.

Let us survey a few more of the u’ula (first parts) of the canoe spells, and then proceed to the examination of the middle parts and ends. In the next spell of Chapter VI, the Kapitunena Duku spell, the word bavisivisi, ‘I shall wave them back,’ (that is; the other canoes), is repeated ponderously several times. The opening of a spell with one word, which summarises in a metaphorical manner the aim of the spell is often found in Kiriwinian magic. In this spell there follow the words:—

Sîyá Siya hill (on) dábanâ top of Tókunâ Takuna ínenâ. the women. Sinegu My mother bwaga’u, sorcerer, tatogu myself bwaga’u. sorcerer.

These words are pronounced with a heavy, thumping rhythm, as indicated by the sharp and circumflex accents. The second line shows a rhythmic and symmetrical arrangement of words. The remainder of the u’ula of this spell is similar to the same part in the wayugo spell, which has been given here in full native text (compare the free translations of both spells in previous Chapters).

In the ligogu spell of the same Chapter, the u’ula opens with another juggling of words:—

virayra’i (repeated); female rayra’i; morayra’i (repeated); male rayra’i; basilabusi I shall penetrate (at) Wayayla, Wayayla, basilalaguwa I shall emerge   (at) Oyanaki; Oyanaki; basilalaguwa I shall emerge   (at) Wayayla, Wayayla, basilabusi I shall penetrate Oyanaki; Oyanaki;

This part of the u’ula has not been translated in the text, as its meaning is ‘magical’ and can be better grasped in connection with the native text. The word rayra’i is a magical word only. It is first given with the antithetic opposition of the male and female prefixes vi- and mo-. The following phrase is a typical example of a geographical antithesis. The two names refer to the promontories facing one other across the sea passage Kaulokoki, between Boyowa and Kayleula. Why those two points are mentioned I could not find out.

In the kadumiyala spell, given in Chapter IX, we have the following opening:—

*Vinapega, pega; vinamwana, mwana; nam mayouyai, makariyouya’i, odabwana; nam mayouya’i, makariyouya’i, o’u’ula*.

In the first line, we have the symmetrically uttered and prefixed names of the two flying or jumping fishes, pega and mwana. The prefix vina- is probably the female prefix and may convey the meaning of flying’s being associated with women, that is with the flying witches. The second and third verse contain a play on the root yova or yo’u ‘to fly,’ reduplicated and with several affixes added. These two verses are brought into a sort of antithesis by the last two words, odabwana and o’u’ula, or ‘at the top,’ and ‘at the bottom,’ or here, probably, at the one end of the canoe and at the other.

In the Bisila spell, given in the same chapter, we have the beginning:—

*Bora’i, bora’i, borayyova, biyova; Bora’i, bora’i, borayteta, biteta*.

The word bora’i seems to be again a purely magical one. The prefix bo- carries the meaning of tabooed, or ritual; the root ra’i suggests similarity with the above quoted magical word rayra’i, which is obviously merely a reduplicated form of ra’i. This is therefore a rhythmically constructed play on the magical root ra’i, and the words yova, ‘to fly,’ and teta, ‘to be poised,’ ‘to soar.’

The Kayikuna veva spell presents the following rhythmic and symmetrical exordium:—

*Bosuyasuya* (repeated); *boraguragu* (repeated). *Bosuya olumwalela; boyragu akatalena*.

The exact meaning of the two words is not quite clear, except that they represent magical influences. Their arrangement and the antithesis of olumwalela (‘middle part,’ ‘inside’), and katalena (‘body’ or ‘outside’) is in keeping with the features observed in the other beginnings here quoted.

VII

The tapwana (main parts) of the spells, though they take a much longer time in reciting, are simpler in construction. Many spells, moreover have no middle part at all. The first regular tapwana we find in our spells is that in the Kapitunena Duku. There, we have a series of key-words recited with a list of complimentary expressions. The key-words are verbs, spoken in the form:—

mata’i, cut, matake’i, cut at, meyova, etc. fly, etc.

These verbs are used in this spell with the prefix ma- or me-, which represents the tense of indefinite duration. This prefix, although, as far as I know, found in several Melanesian languages in full vigour, has in Kiriwina a distinctly archaic flavour, and is only used in certain locutions and in magic. Some of the verbs used in this spell are metaphorical in their meaning, describing the speed of the canoe in a figurative manner. The list of the complimentary words repeated with the key-words contains the enumeration of the different parts of the canoe. It is typical that the key-words are in their form archaic and in their meaning figurative while the complimentary terms are just ordinary words of everyday speech.

Another regular tapwana has been given in the Kadumiyala spell in Chapter IX, where the only key-word, napuwoye, has been translated: ‘I impart speed magically.’ The prefix na- is that of the definite tense. The formative pu- I was unable to translate, while the root woye means literally ‘to beat’ and in a somewhat more remote sense, ‘to impart magic.’ In the Kayikuna veva spell, the pair bwoytalo’i, bosuyare, meaning ‘paint red in a ritual manner,’ and ‘wreathe in a ritual manner,’ are given formal resemblance by the alliterative prefix bo-, which carries with it the meaning of ‘ritual.’

We see that the number of the tapwana is smaller, since only three spells out of seven have got it. In form, the tapwana are simpler than the u’ula, and an examination of a greater number of key-words would show that they also express directly or figuratively the magical action or its effect. Thus, here we had a verb denoting the imparting of magic, that is the direct expression of the action; then two words figuratively expressing it, and the series of verbal key-words enumerating the effects of the magic, such as flying, speed, etc. In other canoe spells, not given in this book, there could be found similar types of key-words such as: ‘the canoe flies’; ‘the buriwada fish is poised on a wave’; ‘the reef-heron wades’; ‘the reef-heron skirts the beach …’ all of them expressing the aim of the spell in accordance with the magical trend of thought.

VIII

From the linguistic point of view, the final parts of the spells, the dogina, present, as a rule, fewer remarkable features. Phonetically the most outstanding trait is the purely onomatopoetic sound complexes, such as sididi or saidididi, or the three words sididi, tatata, numsa, found in the Kadumiyala spell. From the point of view of meaning, there are in some of the dogina interesting metaphorical turns of speech, such as the descriptions of time in the Kaygagabile spell, where the difference in speed between the magician and his companions is expressed by allusions to the morning and evening sun, couched in figurative speech. Some mythical allusions also find their way into the dogina. These parts of a spell are undoubtedly the least important in the natives’ eyes; very often the same dogina is used with a number of formulæ belonging to the one cycle, as we have noticed. Other spells have no dogina at all, for instance, that of Kapitunena Duku, where the onomatopoetic sound sidididi stands for the whole dogina. As said above, the manner of reciting these parts is more perfunctory, with fewer melodic modulations and phonetic peculiarities.

IX

I have given so far a short linguistic survey of the canoe spells, dealing first with their initial parts, u’ula, then with their main parts, tapwana, and lastly saying a few words about the dogina. In a still more summary manner, I shall give a short survey of the mwasila (Kula magic) spells, quoted or mentioned in this book, beginning with the u’ula.

In the Yawarapu spell (Chapter VII) we have the beginning:—

*Bu’a, bu’a, bovinaygau, vinaygu; bu’a, bu’a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu* …

Here the word bu’a (areca-nut) is repeated and used as a prefix bo-, with the antithetic roots -vinay- (female), and -mwanay- (male) and with the suffix -gu (first possessive pronoun).

The Kaymwaloyo (Chapter VII) begins:—

*Gala bu’a, gala doga, gala mwayye* …

This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the play on the root mwase, described above in the free translation of this spell.

Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, strongly marked accent is to be found in the Kaykakaya spell (Chapter XIII):

*Kaýtutúna íyanâ, márabwága iyanâ* …

Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative prefixing of a particle and with antithetic uses of word couples are to be found in several other spells.

The Talo formula (Chapter XIII):

*Talo, talo’udawada, udawada Talo, talomwaylili, mwaylili* …

The Ta’uya spell (Chapter XIII):

*Mwanita, monimwanita; Deriwa, baderideriwa; Derima, baderiderima* …

The Ka’ubana’i spell (Chapter XIII):

*Mose’una Nikiniki, Moga’ina Nikiniki* …

The Kwoygapani spell (Chapter XIV):

*Kwega, kweganubwa’i, nubwa’i; Kwega, kweganuwa’i, nuwa’i; Kwega, kweganuma’i, numa’i* …

I have written them down here without full comment, to show their formal phonetic characteristics, which are indeed in all essentials quite similar to the samples previously quoted and analysed.

X

The main parts of the spells in the magic of the Kula do not essentially differ in their characteristics from the tapwana of the canoe magic. In their form, some key-words are simply verbs used without any transformation in their narrative tense. Thus in the Talo (red paint) formula, the pair of verbs ikata (‘it flares up’), inamila (‘it flashes’) is used with various nouns describing parts of the human head. The key-words of the Kayikuna Tabuyo (Chapter XIII) are also grammatically simple: buribwari, kuvakaku kuvakipusa (‘fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it’)—the verbs being in the second person of the narrative tense.

In other cases we find the key-word transformed by reduplication, composition or by affixes. In the Yawarapu spell (Chapter VII) the pair boraytupa, badederuma repeated as key expressions is a compound which I did not succeed in analysing completely, though the consensus of my informants makes me satisfied with the approximate translation:—‘Quick sailing, abundant haul.’ In the Gebobo spell (Chapter VII) the expression tutube tubeyama is a play on the root tubwo used as a rule verbally and meaning ‘to be full in the face,’ ‘to be fine looking.’ In the Ta’uya spell (Chapter XIII) there is the reduplication munumweynise of the root mwana or mwayna expressing the ‘itching’ or ‘state of excitement.’ In the ka’ubanai the first key-expression ida dabara is an archaic or dialectical couple (the root is dabara, and ida is only a phonetic addition), which signifies ‘to ebb.’ The other key-expressions ‘ka’ukwa yaruyaru,’ ‘ka’ukwa mwasara,’ ‘ka’ukwa mwasara baremwasemwasara’ have all the verbal part irregularly reduplicated and in the last expression repeated and transformed. The last formula of the mwasila (Kula magic) given in Chapter XIV, has a pair of expressions used as key-phrase: ‘kwoygapani, pani; kwoyga’ulu, ulu.’ The word kwega, a variety of betel plant, is used in a modified form as a prefix and compounded with the verbal roots pani (seduce) and ulu (enmesh).

As to the final parts of this class of spell, I have said before that it is much less variable than the initial and main parts of a formula. Within the same cycle or system, the dogina often varies little and a man will often use the same one with all his spells. The sample given with the sulumwoya text will therefore be sufficient to show the various characteristics of this part of the mwasila spell, and there is no need to say anything more about it.

XI

A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters of the kayga’u spells (Chapter XI) must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to their tapwana. The word gwa’u or ga’u means ‘mist’ or ‘fog’; verbally used with the meaning ‘to make mist’ ‘to befog,’ it has always the form ga’u. In the main parts of some of the formulæ of this class, this phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound effect. For example in the giyorokaywa spell No. 1, the key-words are aga’u (‘I befog’), aga’usulu (‘I befog, lead astray’); aga’uboda (‘I befog, shut off’). Spoken, at the beginning of the tapwana slowly and sonorously, and then quickly and insistently these words produce a really ‘magical’ effect—that is as far as the hearers’ subjective impressions are concerned. Even more impressive and onomatopoetic is the phrase used as key-expression in the Giyotanawa No. 2:

*Ga’u, yaga’u, yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu!*

This sentence, giving the vowels a full Italian value, such as they receive in the Melanesian pronunciation, does certainly have an impressive ring; fittingly enough, because this is the dramatic spell, uttered into the wind in the sinking waga, the final effort of magic to blind and mislead the mulukwausi. The causative prefix ya- is used here with a nominal expression yaga’u which has been translated ‘gathering mist’; the reduplicated one yagaga’u I have rendered by ‘encircling mist.’ It can be seen from this example how feebly the equivalents can be given of the magical phrases in which so much is expressed by phonetic or onomatopoetic means.

The other spells have much less inspired key-words. Giyotanawa No. 1 uses the word atumboda, translated ‘I press,’ ‘I close down,’ which literally renders the meanings of the verbs tum, ‘to press,’ and boda, ‘to close.’ The Giyorokaywa No. 2 has the somewhat archaic key-words spoken in a couple: ‘apeyra yauredi,’ ‘I arise,’ ‘I escape’ and the grammatically irregular expression suluya, ‘to lead astray.’

The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevolent fish is summoned to the rescue of the drowning party has the key-phrase ‘bigabaygu suyusayu: the suyusayu fish shall lift me up.’ This expression is noteworthy: even in this spell, which might be regarded as an invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the second person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the spell is to act through the direct force of the words and not as an appeal to the animal.

XII

With this, the survey of linguistic samples from various spells is closed, and we can briefly summarise our results. The belief in the efficiency of a formula results in various peculiarities of the language in which it is couched, both as regards meaning and sound. The native is deeply convinced of this mysterious, intrinsic power of certain words; words which are believed to have their virtue in their own right, so to speak; having come into existence from primeval times and exercising their influence directly.

To start first with the meaning of the magical expressions, we have seen that in this respect they are plain and direct enough. Most of the key-words simply state the magical action, for example when in one of the spells the key-word napuwoye, ‘I impart magical virtue (of speed),’ or in another the key-words ‘to paint red in a festive manner, to wreathe in a festive manner,’ simply describe what the magician is doing. Much more often the principal expressions, that is the initial words and the key-words, of a spell refer to its aim, as for instance, when we find words and phrases denoting ‘speed’ in canoe magic; or, in Kula magic, designations for ‘success’ ‘abundant haul,’ ‘excitement,’ ‘beauty.’ Still more often the aim of magic is stated in a metaphorical manner, by similes and double meanings. In other parts of the spell, where the magical meaning is imprisoned not so much in single words and expressions, as in explicit phraseology and long periods, we found that the predominant features are: lists of ancestral names; invocations of ancestral spirits; mythological allusions; similes and exaggerations; depreciating contrasts between the companions and the reciter—most of them expressing an anticipation of the favourable results aimed at in the spell. Again, certain parts of the spell contain systematic, meticulous enumerations, the reciter going over the parts of a canoe one by one; the successive stages of a journey; the various Kula goods and valuables; the parts of the human head; the numerous places from which the flying witches are believed to come. Such enumerations as a rule strive at an almost pedantic completeness.

Passing to the phonetic characteristics, we saw that a word will often be used in a shape quite different from those in which it is used in ordinary speech; that it will show notable changes in form and sound. Such phonetic peculiarities are most conspicuous in the main words, that is in the key-words and initial words. They are sometimes truncated, more often provided with additions, such as symmetrical or antithetic affixes; formatives added for the sake of sound. By these means there are produced effects of rhythm, alliteration and rhyme, often heightened and accentuated by actual vocal accent. We found play on words by symmetrical couples of sounds, with antithetic meaning like mo- and vi-, or mwana- and vina-, both couples signifying ‘male’ and ‘female’ respectively; or -mugwa (ancient) and -va’u (new); or ma- (hither) and wa- (thither), etc., etc. Especially we found the prefix bo-, carrying the meaning of ritual or tabooed, with derivation from bomala; or with the meaning ‘red,’ ‘festive’ in its derivation from bu’a (areca-nut); onomatopoetic sounds such as sididi or saydidi, tatata, numsa, in imitation of speed noises, of the wailing of wind, rustling of sail, swish of pandanus leaves; tududu, in imitation of the thunder claps; and the rhythmical, expressive, though perhaps not directly onomatopoetic, sentence:

*Ga’u, yaga’u, yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu*.

XIII

If we now turn to the substances used in the magical rites, as means of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe magic, dried lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all used in the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry away the heaviness of the canoe; although on another occasion heaviness is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or three shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their skin after bathing, are used for magical cleansing of a canoe body, and a stick and a torch serve in other rites of exorcism. In the rite associated with the blackening of a canoe, charred remains of several light substances such as lalang grass, the nest of a small, swift bird, the wings of a bat, coco-nut husk and the twigs of an extremely light mimosa tree are employed.

It is easy to see that, not less than the words, the substances here used are associated with the aim of the magic, that is, with lightness, with swiftness and with flying.

In the magic of the Kula we find betel-nut, crushed with lime in a mortar, used to redden the tip of the canoe. Betel-nut is also given to a partner, after it has been charmed over with a seducing spell. Aromatic mint, boiled in coco-nut oil and ginger root are also used in the mwasila. The conch-shell, and the cosmetic ingredients, charmed over on Sarubwoyna beach are really part of the outfit, and so is the lilava bundle. All the substances used in this magic are associated either with beauty and attractiveness (betel-nut, cosmetics, the mint plant) or with excitement (conch-shell, chewed betel-nut). Here therefore, it is not with the final aim—which is the obtaining of valuables—that the magic is concerned, but with the intermediate one, that is that of being agreeable to one’s partner, of putting him into a state of excitement about the Kula.

XIV

I wish to close this chapter by adducing a few texts of native information. In the previous chapters, several statements and narratives have been put into the natives’ mouths and given in quotations. I wish now to show some of the actual linguistic data from which such quotations have been derived. Numerous utterances of the natives were taken down by me as they were spoken. Whenever there was a native expression covering a point of crucial importance, or a characteristic thought, or one neatly formulated, or else one especially hazy and opalescent in meaning—I noted them down in quick handwriting as they were spoken. A number of such texts, apart from their linguistic importance, will serve as documents embodying the native ideas without any foreign admixture, and it will also show the long way which lies between the crude native statement and its explicit, ethnographic presentation. For what strikes us at first sight most forcibly in these texts is their extreme bareness, the scantiness of information which they appear to contain. Couched in a condensed, disjointed, one might say telegraphic style, they seem to lack almost everything which could throw light on the subject of our study. For they lack concatenation of ideas, and they contain few concrete details, and few really apt generalisations. It must be remembered, however, that, whatever might be the importance of such texts, they are not the only source of ethnographic information, not even the most important one. The observer has to read them in the context of tribal life. Many of the customs of behaviour, of the sociological data, which are barely mentioned in the texts, have become familiar to the Ethnographer through personal observation and the direct study of the objective manifestations and of data referring to their social constitution (compare the observations on Method in the Introduction). On the other hand, a better knowledge of and acquaintance with the means of linguistic expression makes the language itself much more significant to one who not only knows how it is used but uses it himself. After all, if natives could furnish us with correct, explicit and consistent accounts of their tribal organisation, customs and ideas, there would be no difficulty in ethnographic work. Unfortunately, the native can neither get outside his tribal atmospheres and see it objectively, nor if he could, would he have intellectual and linguistic means sufficient to express it. And so the Ethnographer has to collect objective data, such as maps, plans, genealogies, lists of possessions, accounts of inheritance, censuses of village communities. He has to study the behaviour of the native, to talk with him under all sorts of conditions, and to write down his words. And then, from all these diverse data, to construct his synthesis, the picture of a community and of the individuals in it. But I have dwelt on these aspects of method already in the Introduction and here I want only to exemplify them with regard to the linguistic material directly representing some of the natives’ thoughts on ethnographic subjects.

XV

I shall give here first a text on the subject of the priority in sailing, which as described in Chapter IX, is the privilege of a certain sub-clan in Sinaketa. I was discussing with a very good informant, Toybayoba of Sinaketa, the customs of launching the canoes, and I tried, as usually, to keep my interlocutor as much as possible to concrete details and to the stating of the full sequence of events. In his account he uttered this sentence:

“The Tolabwaga launch their canoe first; by this the face of the sea is cleared.”

I thereupon perceived that a new subject had been brought within my notice, and I headed my informant on to it, and obtained the following text, sentence after sentence:—

The Tolabwaga Sub-Clan and Their Sea-Faring Privileges 1 1 Bikugwo, He might be first ikapusi he fall down (it is launched) siwaga their canoe Tolabwaga, Tolabwaga, boge already bimilakatile he might be clear bwarita. sea. 2 2 Igau Later on kumaydona all gweguya, chiefs, tokay commoner siwaga their canoe ikapusisi they fall down (are launched) oluvyeki. behind. 3 3 Kidama Supposing takapusi we fall down, takugwo we are first bitavilidasi they might turn (on) us baloma; spirits; bitana we might go Dobu, Dobu, gala no tabani we find bunukwa pig soulava. necklace. 4 4 Makawala Alike yuwayoulo: (lashing creeper) bikugwo he (it) might be first isipusi they bind siwayugo, their wayugo lashing, iga’u later on yakidasi. ourselves. 5 5 Takeulo We sail Dobu, Dobu, gala no bikugwasi they might be first Tolabwaga; Tolabwaga; okovalawa on sea front boge already aywokwo. he was over. 6 6 Obwarita In sea tananamse we consider kayne whether isakauli he run taytala one (masculine) lawaga, his canoe, ikugwo. he is first. 7 7 Gala No bikaraywagasi they might command patile. canoe fleet. 8 8 Dobu, Dobu, gweguya chiefs bikugwasi, they might be first, biwayse they might come there kaypatile canoe fleet gweguya. chiefs. 9 9 M’tage Indeed Tolabwaga Tolabwaga boge already aywokwo he (it) was over sikaraywaga their command ovalu. in village.

The Tolabwaga sub-clan belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and live at present in Kasi’etana. Only one man and two women are surviving.

10 10 Simwasila Their Kula magic siwaga their canoe migavala, magic his, vivila woman boge already iyousayse. they grasp. 11 11 “Datukwasi “Our magical property boge already kasakaymi we give you megwa magic kwaraywagasi you command lagayle!” to-day!”

Thus would they say on handing their magic to their male descendants.

Informant’s Commentary.

Commenting on verse 3, the expression, ‘bitalividasi baloma,’ my informant said:

‘Bitavilida’: ‘They might turn (on) us’: bilivalasi they might say baloma spirit “Avaka “What pela for gala no ikugwo he is first Tolabwaga, Tolabwaga, kukugwasi you are first gumgweguya; sub-chiefs; kayuviyuvisa sweepers of the sea Tolabwaga!” Tolabwaga!” 13 13 Tavagi We do gaga bad igiburuwasi, they angry ninasi mind theirs’ igaga, he bad pela for magisi desire theirs balayamata we might watch tokunabogwo long ago aygura. he has decreed.

The verbal translation renders word for word the individual meaning of every particle and root, according to a definite grammatical and lexicographical scheme which has been adopted for this text in common with a few hundred more. In this place, I cannot give the commentary and justification of the linguistic details, which will be fairly obvious to a Melanesian scholar, who might, however, find some new and even controversial features in my translation. To other readers, these details are of small interest. I have not included in this translation any distinction between the inclusive and exclusive first person, dual and plural. Of the two tenses which are to be found in this text, the narrative one is translated by the English verb in infinitive, the potential, by the addition of the word ‘might.’ In brackets underneath, the special meaning of a word in its context is indicated, or some comments are added.

The free translation of the text must now be given:—

Free Translation.

1 The Tolabwaga canoe would be launched first; by this the face of the sea is cleared.

2 Afterwards, all the chiefs’, the commoners’ canoes are launched.

3 If we would launch our canoes first, the spirits (of ancestors) would be angry with us; we would go to Dobu and we would receive no pigs, no necklaces.

4 It is likewise with the lashing of the canoe: first, the Tolabwaga would bind the lashing creeper and afterwards ourselves.

5 On our journey to Dobu, the Tolabwaga would not sail ahead, for their priority ends on the beach of Sinaketa.

6 On the sea it is according to our wish, and if one man’s canoe runs fast, he would be first.

7 They (the Tolabwaga) do not wield the command of the canoe fleet.

8 In Dobu, the chiefs would be first; the chiefs would arrive there at the head of the fleet.

9 But the supremacy of the Tolabwaga ends here already, in the village.

10 The Kula magic, the magic of the canoe, belonging to the Tolabwaga clan has passed already into the hands of their womenfolk.

11 (These would say speaking to their male children): — “We shall give you the magic, the magical inheritance, you rule henceforward.”

12 When the spirits become angry, they would tell us:— “Why are the Tolabwaga not first and you minor chiefs are ahead? Are not the Tolabwaga cleaners of the sea?”

13 When we do wrong, they (the spirits) are angry, their minds are malevolent, for they desire that we should keep to the old customs.

XVI

Comparing the free translation with the literal one, it is easy to see that certain additions have been made, sentences have been subordinated and co-ordinated by various English conjunctions which are either completely absent from the native text, or else represented by such very vague particles as boge (already), and m’tage (indeed). On these linguistic questions I cannot enlarge here, but it will be good to go over each sentence in succession, and to show how much it was necessary to add from the general store of sociological and ethnographic knowledge, in order to make it intelligible.

1. The meaning of the word ‘fall down’ is specialised here by the context, and I translated it by ‘launch.’ The particle boge had to be translated here by ‘by this.’ The words about the ‘clearing of the sea’ suggested at once to me that there was a special ancient custom in question. Then there is the name of the sub-clan Tolabwaga. In order to understand the full meaning of this phrase, it is necessary to realise that this name stands for a sub-clan; and then one has to be well acquainted with native sociology, in order to grasp what such a privilege, vested in a sub-clan, might mean. Thus, a word like this can in the first place be understood only in the context of its phrase, and on the basis of a certain linguistic knowledge. But its fuller meaning becomes intelligible only in the context of the native life and of native sociology. Again the expression referring to the clearing of the sea required a further comment, for which I asked my informant, and was answered by Phrase 3.

2. In this phrase the expressions ‘chiefs,’ ‘commoners’ etc., are fully intelligible only to one, who has a definition of these words in terms of native sociology. Indeed, only the knowledge of the usual supremacy of the chiefs allows one to gauge their importance and the survival character of this custom, by which this importance is diminished for a time.

3. Here, we have the explanation of the obscure clause in phrase 1, ‘A clear sea’ means the good temper of the spirits which again means good luck. The question as to whether the spirits are to be imagined as actively interfering or helping still remained open. I asked for a further elucidation, which was given to me in the text of Phrases 12 and 13.

4. This contains a condensed reference to the stages of ship-building, previous to launching. This, of course, to be understood, pre-supposes a knowledge of these various activities.

5 to 9. The limitations of the powers of the Tolabwaga sub-clan are outlined, giving interesting side-lights on the rôle played by females as repositories of family (sub-clan) traditions. Needless to say, this statement would be entirely meaningless without the knowledge of the natives’ matrilineal institutions, of their customs of inheritance and of property in magic. The correct knowledge of these facts can only be gathered by a collection of objective, ethnographic documents, such as concrete data about cases of actual inheritance, etc.

12 and 13. Here it is explained how far the baloma would become angry and how they would act if a custom were broken. It can be distinctly seen from it that the anger of the spirits is only a phrase, covering all these forces which keep the natives to the observance of old customs. The baloma would go no further than to reproach them for breaking the old rules, and there are no definite ideas among these natives about actual punishment being meted out by offended spirits.

These considerations show convincingly that no linguistic analysis can disclose the full meaning of a text without the help of an adequate knowledge of the sociology, of the customs and of the beliefs, current in a given society.

XVII

Another sample of a native text may be given here, as it is of especial interest, in that it throws light upon the previously given magical formula of the wayugo. It is the text I obtained trying to find the meaning of the word bosisi’ula, which figures at the beginning of the above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa, the word visisi’una refers to the belief already described, that the owner of a wayugo charm is liable to fits of trembling, during which he trembles as a bisila (pandanus) streamer trembles in the wind. He then should ritually eat some baked fish, and this is called visisi’una. Such a man would then ask somebody of his household:—

“*Kugabu, kumaye, avisisi’una*.” “Thou bake, thou bring, I ritually eat.”

Or someone else would urge his wife or daughter:—

“*Kugabu, kumaye, ivisisi’una*.” “Thou bake, thou bring, he eats ritually.”

Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said:—

“*Ivisisi’una — bigabu, tomwaya ikam*.” “Ivisisi’una — he bake, old man he eat.”

The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term, which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an appropriate English expression.

Explanation of Word Visisi’una A.—First Informant. 1 1 Pela For isewo he learn wayugo, wayugo, (the creeper magic) itatatuva he (it) tremble wowola body his matauna, this (man),   (who) isa’u (or isewo) he learn wayugo. wayugo. 2 2 “Nanakwa, “Quick, kugabu thou bake kusayki, thou give tomwaya old man (magician) ivisisi’una he ritually eats, boge already itatatuva he tremble kana his bisila, pandanus streamer, kana his wayugo.” wayugo creeper.” B.—Second Informant. 3 3 Tayta (If) one   (man) isewo he learn bisila, bisila, gala not bikam he might eat yena, fish, boge already itatuva he tremble wowola. body his.

Free Translation.

(A.) 1. The body of a man who has learned the wayuga spell, trembles, because he learned the spell. (Someone seeing him tremble, would tell someone of his household:)

2 “Quick, bake fish, give to the old man that he might ritually eat, his pandanus streamer trembles, his wayugo.”

(B.) 3 A man who learns the bisila magic and does not eat fish will tremble.

This text, with its foregoing short comments and with its two versions will give an inkling of how I was able to obtain from my native informants the definition of unknown and sometimes very involved expressions and how, in the act of doing it, I was given additional enlightenment on obscure details of belief and custom.

It will also be interesting to give another text referring to the gwara custom. I have given in Chapter XIV a native definition of this custom, and of the reception accorded to the Trobrianders in Dobu when there is a taboo on palms there. The statement was based on the following text, and on certain other additional notes.

Gwara in Dobu and the Ka’ubana’i Magic 1 1 Tama We come (to) Dobu Dobu, ikarigava’u— he die anew— gwara: gwara: bu’a areca bilalava he might ripen usi banana bimwanogu, he might ripen, nuya coco-nut bibabayse they might spike ka’i stick kayketoki. small stick. 2 2 Gala No ka’ubana’i, ka’ubana’i, takokola: we fright: ikawoyse they take (put on) bowa war paints kayyala, spear, kema; axe; isisuse they sit biginayda they might look at us. 3 3 Batana We go ovalu in village tasakaulo, we run, gala no tanouno we walk. batawa we might arrive tamwoyne we (i.d.) climb bu’a. areca. 4 4 Idou: He cries “E! “E! Gala No bukumwoyne thou mightst climb bu’a.” areca.” 5 5 Bogwe Already ika’u he take kayyala, spear, mwada mayhap biwoyda. he might hit us. 6 6 Tapula We ritually spit nayya wild ginger root ka’ubana’i: ka’ubana’i: ika’ita he return ima, he come igigila he laugh, iluwaymo he throw kayyala, spear, kema. axe. 7 7 Tapula We ritually spit Valu village kumaydona, all, boge already itamwa’u he vanish ninasi mind theirs’, ilukwaydasi: they tell us: 8 8 “Bweyna, “Good, kumwoynasi you climb kami your bu’a, areca, nuya, coco-nut (palms) kami your usi banana kuta’isi.” you cut.”

In comment added:

9 9 Gala No ikarige he die veyola kinsman his, ninasi mind their bweyna. well. 10 10 Vivila Woman kayyala spear her ikawo, she take pela for tokamsita’u. cannibals.

Free Translation

1 We come to Dobu, (there) someone has recently died—there is a gwala: the areca nut will ripen, the bananas will ripen, they will stick up coco-nuts on small spikes.

2 If there is no ka’ubana’i charm made—we are afraid: they (sc. the Dobuans) put on war paint, take up spear and axe, they sit (waiting) and look at us.

3 We go into the village running, not walking; we arrive and climb the areca palm.

4 He (the Dobuan) shouts: “Don’t climb the areca palm!”

5 Already he takes the spear, so as to hit us.

6 We ritually spit about wild ginger root charmed with the ka’ubana’i spell—he returns, comes to us, laughs, he throws away spear and axe.

7 We ritually bespit the whole village, already their intention vanishes, they tell us:

8 “Well, climb your areca palm and your coco-nut, cut your banana.”

9 If no kinsman had died, their intentions are good.

10 A woman would also take up a spear, as they (the Dobuans) are cannibals.

These three texts will be quite sufficient to give an idea of the method of dealing with linguistic evidence, and of the documentary value of immediately recorded native opinions. They will also make clear what I have said before, that only a good, working knowledge of a native language on the one hand, and a familiarity with their social organisation and tribal life on the other, would make it possible to read all the full significance into these texts.