III
One such offshoot of the Kula ring we met in the Trobriands, to wit, the expeditions from the Western village of Kavataria, and from the island of Kayleula, to the Koya of Fergusson and Goodenough. We shall begin with a brief account of these expeditions.6 The preparations are very much the same, as in Sinaketa. The canoes are built with more or less the same magic (cf. Chapter V), they are launched ceremonially and the trial run, the tasasoria, also takes place (Chapter VI). The island of Kayleula is by far the more important centre of canoe building. Whether some of the Kavataria canoes were not actually made in Kayleula and purchased by the Kavatarians in olden days, I do not definitely know, though I think this was the case. Nowadays, the community of Kavataria are completely absorbed by the pearling industry, and since about a generation ago have given up the expeditions, and even do not own any canoes. The collecting of trade articles, the magic performed over the lilava, the yawarapu, and the sulumwoya are the same as those described before (Chapter VII) except, that is, that there exists a different system of mwasila in the island of Kayleula, a system which was used also by the Kavatarians. It must be remembered in this connection that the natives of Kayleula did make Kula on a small scale with the Amphlettans, and that their mwasila was connected with the Kula.7 But the main object of the Kavatarian and Kayleulan mwasila was their non-Kula trade with the natives of Fergusson and Goodenough. This is quite clear from Mr. Gilmour’s account, and it was also corroborated by my informants. They told me that the mwasila is done because of the kavaylu’a (fine food) that is, of the sago and betel-nut and pigs, the main objects of their expedition:
“If they (the Western Boyowans) would not make *mwasila*, they (the Western d’Entrecasteaux natives) would fight them. They are foolish men, the people of the Koya, not like people of Dobu, who are human beings. Those in the Koya are wild, eaters of man. If they (Kavataria and Kayleula) would make no *mwasila*, they would refuse them betel-nut, refuse them sago.”
The sailing is characterised by the priority enjoyed by the Kulutula clan, who, as we have seen in a previous chapter (Chapter IX, Division III) sail ahead and have the privilege of landing first on any beach, on which they stop. On arrival, they perform the beauty magic, and sailing towards the beach, the magic of “shaking the mountain” is also recited. In the Koya, the transactions resemble to a certain extent those of the Kula. As my informant said:
“When they anchor, first of all they give the *pari*; they give combs, lime pots, wooden dishes, lime spatulæ, plenty of *gugu’a* (objects of use). At the *talo’i* (farewell gifts) this will be repaid.”
The following transaction, the main trade, is carried on as gimwali. The natives of the Koya would bring the sago, or the betel-nut, put it on the beach near the canoes and say:
“I want a *beku* (ceremonial axe blade).” And here my informants were positive that real bargaining would take place. “If they give us an insufficient quantity, we expostulate, then they bring another portion. They would go to the village, fetch some more goods, return and give it to us. If it is enough, we give him the *beku*.”
Thus the barter would be carried on till the visitors had exhausted their stock in trade and received as much from the local natives as they could.