Notes

The hiri, as these expeditions are called in Motuan, have been described with a great wealth of detail and clearness of outline by Captain F. Barton, in C. G. Seligman’s “The Melanesians of British New Guinea,” Cambridge, 1910, Chapter viii.

Cf: “The Mailu,” by B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia, 1915; Chapter iv. 4, pp. 612 to 629.

Op. cit. Chapter xl.

On this point of method again, we are indebted to the Cambridge School of Anthropology for having introduced the really scientific way of dealing with the question. More especially in the writings of Haddon, Rivers and Seligman, the distinction between inference and observation is always clearly drawn, and we can visualise with perfect precision the conditions under which the work was done.

I may note at once that there were a few delightful exceptions to that, to mention only my friends Billy Hancock in the Trobriands; M. Raffael Brudo, another pearl trader; and the missionary, Mr. M. K. Gilmour.

According to a useful habit of the terminology of science, I use the word Ethnography for the empirical and descriptive results of the science of Man, and the word Ethnology for speculative and comparative theories.

The legendary “early authority” who found the natives only beastly and without customs is left behind by a modern writer, who, speaking about the Southern Massim with whom he lived and worked “in close contact” for many years, says:—“… We teach lawless men to become obedient, inhuman men to love, and savage men to change.” And again:—“Guided in his conduct by nothing but his instincts and propensities, and governed by his unchecked passions ….” “Lawless, inhuman and savage!” A grosser misstatement of the real state of things could not be invented by anyone wishing to parody the Missionary point of view. Quoted from the Rev. C. W. Abel, of the London Missionary Society, “Savage Life in New Guinea,” no date.

For instance, the tables of circulation of the valuable axe blades, op. cit., pp. 531, 532.

In this book, besides the adjoining Table, which does not strictly belong to the class of document of which I speak here, the reader will find only a few samples of synoptic tables, such as the list of Kula partners mentioned and analysed in Chapter XIII, Division II, the list of gifts and presents in Chapter VI, Division VI, not tabularised, only described; the synoptic data of a Kula expedition in Chapter XVI, and the table of Kula magic given in Chapter XVII. Here, I have not wanted to overload the account with charts, etc., preferring to reserve them till the full publication of my material.

It was soon after I had adopted this course that I received a letter from Dr. A. H. Gardiner, the well-known Egyptologist, urging me to do this very thing. From his point of view as archæologist, he naturally saw the enormous possibilities for an Ethnographer of obtaining a similar body of written sources as have been preserved to us from ancient cultures, plus the possibility of illuminating them by personal knowledge of the full life of that culture.

The best accounts we possess of the inland tribes are those of W. H. Williamson, “The Mafulu,” 1912, and of C. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss, “Deutsch Neu Guinea,” Vol. III. Berlin, 1911. The preliminary publications of G. Landtmann on the Kiwai, “Papuan magic in the Building of Houses,” “Acta Arboenses, Humanora.” I. Abo, 1920, and “The Folk-Tales of the Kiwai Papuans,” Helsingfors, 1917, promise that the full account will dispel some of the mysteries surrounding the Gulf of Papua. Meanwhile a good semi-popular account of these natives is to be found in W. N. Beaver’s “Unexplored New Guinea,” 1920. Personally I doubt very much whether the hill tribes and the swamp tribes belong to the same stock or have the same culture. Compare also the most recent contribution to this problem: “Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea,” by A. C. Haddon, Huxley Memorial Lecture for 1921, published by the R. Anthrop. Institute.

See C. G. Seligman, “The Melanesians of British New Guinea,” Cambridge, 1910.

Cf. C. G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 5.

A number of good portraits of the S. Massim type are to be found in the valuable book of the Rev. H. Newton, “In Far New Guinea,” 1914, and in the amusingly written though superficial and often unreliable booklet of the Rev. C. W. Abel (London Missionary Society), “Savage Life in New Guinea” (No date).

See Table in the Introduction (p. 16), and also Chapters XVI and XX.

Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XL and XLII.

Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVII.

Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, Chapters XXXVII and XXXVIII.

My knowledge of the Dobuans is fragmentary, derived from three short visits in their district, from conversation with several Dobu natives whom I had in my service, and from frequent parallels and allusions about Dobuan customs, which are met when doing field-work among the Southern Trobrianders. There is a short, sketchy account of certain of their customs and beliefs by the Rev. W. E. Bromilow, first missionary in Dobu, which I have also consulted, in the records of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science.

Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 170 and 171; 187 and 188 about the Koita and Motu; and B. Malinowski, The Mailu, pp. 647–652.

Comp. D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, “The Northern d’Entrecasteaux,” Oxford, 1920, Chapter XII.

I spent about a month in these islands, and found the natives surprisingly intractable and difficult to work with ethnographically. The Amphlett “boys” are renowned as good boat-hands, but in general they are not such capable and willing workers as the Dobuans.

Already Dr. C. G. Seligman has noticed that there are people of an outstanding fine physical type among the Northern Massim, of whom the Trobrianders form the Western section, people who are “generally taller (often very notably so) than the individuals of the short-faced, broad-nosed type, in whom the bridge of the nose is very low.” Op. cit., p. 8.

I have dealt with the subject of garden work in the Trobriands and with its economic importance more fully in an article entitled “The Primitive Economics of the Trobriand Islanders” in The Economic Journal, March, 1921.

This does not mean that the general economic conclusions are wrong. The economic nature of Man is as a rule illustrated on imaginary savages for didactic purposes only, and the conclusions of the authors are in reality based on their study of the facts of developed economics. But, nevertheless, quite apart from the fact that pedagogically it is a wrong principle to make matters look more simple by introducing a falsehood, it is the Ethnographer’s duty and right to protest against the introduction from outside of false facts into his own field of study.

Compare Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 663–668; also the Author, article on “War and Weapons among the Trobriand Islanders,” in Man, January, 1918.

Compare the Author’s article on “Fishing and Fishing Magic in the Trobriands,” Man, June, 1918.

The discovery of the existence of “linked” totems, and the introduction of this term and conception are due to Professor C. G. Seligman. op. cit., pp. 9, 11; see also Index.

See the Author’s article, “Baloma, Spirits of the Dead,” Part VII, J.R.A.I., 1917, where this statement has been substantiated with abundant evidence. Further information obtained during another expedition to the Trobriands, established by an additional wealth of detail the complete ignorance of physiological fatherhood.

See the Author’s article “Baloma, Spirits of the Dead,” quoted above.

I am using the words religion and magic according to Sir James Frazer’s distinction (see “Golden Bough,” vol. I). Frazer’s definition suits the Kiriwinian facts much better than any other one. In fact, although I started my field work convinced that the theories of religion and magic expounded in the “Golden Bough” are inadequate, I was forced by all my observations in New Guinea to come over to Frazer’s position.

Compare Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., the parallel description of the social institutions in the Trobriands, Marshall Bennetts, Woodlark Island and the Loughlans, Chapters XLIX–LV.

By “current view,” I mean such as is to be found in text-books and in passing remarks, scattered through economic and ethnological literature. As a matter of fact, Economics is a subject very seldom touched upon either in theoretical works on Ethnology, or in accounts of field-work. I have enlarged on this deficiency in the article on “Primitive Economics,” published in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.

Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 93, states that arm-shells toea, as they are called by the Motu, are traded from the Port Moresby district westward to the Gulf of Papua. Among the Motu and Koita, near Port Moresby, they are highly valued, and nowadays attain very high prices, up to £30, much more than is paid for the same article among the Massim.

This and the following quotations are from the Author’s preliminary article on the Kula in Man, July, 1920. Article number 51, p. 100.

In order not to be guilty of inconsistency in using loosely the word “ceremonial” I shall define it briefly. I shall call an action ceremonial, if it is (1) public; (2) carried on under observance of definite formalities; (3) if it has sociological, religious, or magical import, and carries with it obligations.

This is not a fanciful construction of what an erroneous opinion might be, for I could give actual examples proving that such opinions have been set forth, but as I am not giving here a criticism of existing theories of Primitive Economics, I do not want to overload this chapter with quotations.

It is hardly necessary perhaps to make it quite clear that all questions of origins, of development or history of the institutions have been rigorously ruled out of this work. The mixing up of speculative or hypothetical views with an account of facts is, in my opinion an unpardonable sin against ethnographic method.

Comparing the frail yet clumsy native canoe with a fine European yacht, we feel inclined to regard the former almost in the light of a joke. This is the pervading note in many amateur ethnographic accounts of sailing, where cheap fun is made by speaking of roughly hewn dug-outs in terms of “dreadnoughts” or “Royal Yachts,” just as simple, savage chiefs are referred to as “Kings” in a jocular vein. Such humour is doubtless natural and refreshing, but when we approach these matters scientifically, on the one hand we must refrain from any distortion of facts, and on the other, enter into the finer shades of the natives’ thought and feeling with regard to his own, creations.

The crab-claw sails, used on the South Coast, from Mailu where I used to see them, to westwards where they are used with the double-masted lakatoi of Port Moresby, are still more picturesque. In fact, I can hardly imagine anything more strangely impressive than a fleet of crab-claw sailed canoes. They have been depicted in the British New Guinea stamp, as issued by Captain Francis Barton, the late Governor of the Colony. See also Plate XII of Seligman’s “Melanesians.”

A constructive expedient to achieve a symmetrical stability is exemplified by the Mailu system of canoe-building, where a platform bridges two parallel, hollowed-out logs. Cf. Author’s article in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, Vol. XXXIX, 1915, pp. 494–706. Chapter IV, 612–599. Plates XXXV–XXXVII.

The whole tribal life is based on a continuous material give and take; cf. the above mentioned article in the Economic Journal, March, 1921, and the digression on this subject in Chapter VI, Division IV–VII.

This view has been more fully elaborated in the article on “Primitive Economics” in the Economic Journal, March, 1921; compare also the remarks on systematic magic in Chapter XVII, Division VII.

The way of hiring a masawa (sea-going) canoe is different from the usual transaction, when hiring a fishing canoe. In the latter case, the payment consists of giving part of the yield of fish, and this is called uwaga. The same term applies to all payments for objects hired. Thus, if fishing nets or hunting implements, or a small canoe for trading along the coast are hired out, part of the proceeds are given as uwaga.

The words within brackets in this and in some of the following spells are free additions, necessary to make the meaning clear in the English version. They are implied by the context in the native original, though not explicitly contained.

Compare therefore Chapter XII, Division IV.

All this is discussed at length in Chapter XVII, Division IV.

It is necessary to be acquainted with the mythology of canoe-building and of the Kula (Chapter XII) in order to understand thoroughly the meaning of this spell.

Compare the linguistic analysis of this spell in Chapter XVIII.

Cf. Chapter II, Divisions III and IV, and some of the following Divisions of this Chapter.

I am adducing these views not for any controversial purposes, but to justify and make clear why I stress certain general features of Trobriand Economic Sociology. My contentions might run the danger of appearing as gratuitous truisms if not thus justified. The opinion that primitive humanity and savages have no individual property is an old prejudice shared by many modern writers, especially in support of communistic theories, and the so-called materialistic view of history. The “communism of savages” is a phrase very often read, and needs no special quotation. The views of individual search for food and household economy are those of Karl Bücher, and they have directly influenced all the best modern writings on Primitive Economics. Finally, the view that we have done with Primitive Economics if we have described the way in which the natives procure their food, is obviously a fundamental premise of all the naïve, evolutionary theories which construct the successive stages of economic development. This view is summarised in the following sentence: “… In many simple communities, the actual food quest, and operations immediately arising from it, occupy by far the greater part of the people’s time and energy, leaving little opportunity for the satisfaction of any lesser needs.” This sentence, quoted out of “Notes and Queries on Anthropology,” p.

These views had to be adduced at length, although touched upon already in Chapter II, Division IV, because they imply a serious error with regard to human nature in one of its most fundamental aspects. We can show up their fallacy on one example only, that of the Trobriand Society, but even this is enough to shatter their universal validity and show that the problem must be re-stated. The criticised views contain very general propositions, which, however, can be answered only empirically. And it is the duty of the field Ethnographer to answer and correct them. Because a statement is very general, it can none the less be a statement of empirical fact. General views must not be mixed up with hypothetical ones. The latter must be banished from field work; the former cannot receive too much attention.

As a matter of fact, this custom is not so prominent in the Trobriands as in other Massim districts and all over the Papuo-Melanesian world, cf. for instance Seligman, op. cit., p. 56 and Plate VI, Fig. 6.

Again, in explaining value, I do not wish to trace its possible origins, but I try simply to show what are the actual and observable elements into which the natives’ attitude towards the object valued can be analysed.

These natives have no idea of physiological fatherhood. See Chapter II, Division VI.

Compare Plate XXXIII, where the yam houses of a headman are filled by his wife’s brothers.

This advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays, when the fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving for pearls than by performing their share of the wasi, the exchange is as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most conspicuous examples of the tenacity of native custom that in spite of all the temptation which pearling offers them and in spite of the great pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never try to evade a wasi, and when they have received the inaugurating gift, the first calm day is always given to fishing, and not to pearling.

Compare the linguistic analysis of the original text of this spell, given in Chapter XVIII.

Koyatabu—the mountain on the North shore of Fergusson; Kamsareta,—the highest hill on Domdom,—in the Amphletts; Koyava’u—the mountain opposite Dobu island, on the North shore of Dawson Straits; Gorebubu—the volcano on Dobu island.

The prefix bo- has three different etymological derivations, each carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part of the word bomala, in which case, its meaning will be “ritual” or “sacred.” Secondly, it may be derived from the word bu’a, areca-nut, a substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it is a narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix may be a derivation from butia, the sweet scented flower made into wreaths, in which case it would usually be bway, but sometimes might become bo-, and would carry the meaning of “festive,” “decorated.” To a native, who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document, but as an instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys all three meanings at once, and the word “ritual” covers best all these three meanings.

See Division II of Chapter V.

The word tabu, in the meaning of taboo—prohibition—is used in its verbal form in the language of the Trobriands, but not very often. The noun “prohibition,” “sacred thing,” is always bomala, used with suffixed personal pronouns.

At a later date, I hope to work out certain historical hypotheses with regard to migrations and cultural strata in Eastern New Guinea. A considerable number of independent indices seem to corroborate certain simple hypotheses as to the stratification of the various cultural elements.

The word vineylida suggests the former belief, as vine—female, lida—coral stone.

Professor Seligman has described the belief in similar beings on the North-East Coast of New Guinea. At Gelaria, inland of Bartle Bay, the flying witches can produce a double, or “sending,” which they call labuni. “Labuni exists within women, and can be commanded by any woman who has had children …. It was said that the labuni existed in, or was derived from, an organ called ipona, situated in the flank, and literally meaning egg or eggs.” op. cit., p. 640. The equivalence of beliefs here is evident.

Not all the spells which I have obtained have been equally well translated and commented upon. This one, although very valuable, for it is one of the spells of the old chief Maniyuwa, and one which had been recited when his corpse was brought over from Dobu by his son Maradiana, was obtained early in my ethnographic career, and Gomaya, Maradiana’s son, from whom I got it, is a bad commentator. Nor could I find any other competent informant later on, who could completely elucidate it for me.

Such reconstructions are legitimate for an Ethnographer, as well as for a historian. But it is a duty of the former as well as of the latter to show his sources as well as to explain how he has manipulated them. In one of the next chapters, Chapter XVIII, Divisions XIV–XVII, a sample of this methodological aspect of the work will be given, although the full elaboration of sources and methods must be postponed to another publication.

See Chapter II, Division VII.

I cannot tell what sort of influence this would be, exercised by a sister over her brother in Dobu. I do not even know whether, in that district, there obtains the same taboo between brother and sister as in the Trobriands.

This is the information which I obtained during my short visit to Murua (Woodlark Island), and which was confirmed by the Trobriand Islanders. Professor Seligman states, also, that the sepulchral pots, found in this island come from the Amphletts. op. cit., p. 731. Compare also pp. 15 and 535.

See Chapter VI, Division VI.

The reader will note that this is the same name, which another mythical dog bore, also of the Lukuba clan as all dogs are, the one namely from whom the kayga’u magic is traced. Cf. Chapter X, Division V.

Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, “The Melanesians,” Chapter LIV, “Burial and Mourning Ceremonies” (among the natives of the Trobriand Islands, of Woodlark and the Marshall Bennetts).

Compare also No. VI (A), in the Synoptic Table of Kula magic, in Chapter XVII, p. 418.

There can be no better expression to denote the mutual relation of all these ideas than that used by Frazer to describe one of the typical forms of magic thought, the ‘contagion of ideas.’ The subjective, psychological process leads the natives to the belief in magical contagion of things.

It will be noted, that this is the third meaning in which the term pokala is used by the natives. (Cf. Chapter VI, Division VI.)

See the Author’s Memoir, “The Natives of Mailu” in Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p. 598.

These views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article on “Primitive Economics” in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.

The association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated by the case of pearling. Here, through the advent of white men, a new and very lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for the natives. A form of magic is now in existence, associated with this fishing. This of course apparently contradicts the native dogma that magic cannot be invented. The natives, if faced with this contradiction, explain that it is really an old magic of shell fishing which refers to all the shells found at the bottom of the Lagoon, but which so far had only been used with regard to fishing for the Conus. In fact, this magic is nothing but the adaptation of the mwali (armshell) magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less, whether even such a transference or adaptation would have taken place before the foundations of native belief and custom had been shaken by the well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings and rulings of the white man and by the introduction of trade.

See article by the Author on the “Baloma, spirits of the dead in the Trobriand islands.” J. A. I., 1917.

An example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be found even in a book written by an exceptionally well-informed and enlightened missionary, “In Far New Guinea,” by Henry Newton. In describing the feasts and dancing of the natives, he admits these to be a necessity of tribal life: “On the whole the feasting and dancing are good; they give excitement and relaxation to the young men, and tone the drab colours of life.” He himself tells us that, “the time comes when the old men stop the dancing. They begin to growl because the gardens are neglected, and they want to know if dancing will give the people food, so the order is given that the drums are to be hung up, and the people settle down to work.” But in spite of Mr.

I have not seen the site of Suloga myself. Interesting details are to be found in “The Melanesians” of Professor Seligman, who visited the spot himself, and who has collected a number of specimens in the locality, as well as many data about the production of the blades. Op. cit., pp. 530–533.

Cf. Op. cit., pp. 670–672.

Op. cit., description of the Walaga feast, pp. 594–603.

See the Author’s Memoir in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia. “The Natives of Mailu,” pp. 580–588.

Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., Chapter XLIV.

Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., p. 584.

The ethnographic researches at present carried on in Su’a’u by Mr. W. E. Armstrong, of Cambridge, will no doubt throw light on this subject.

Seligman. Op. cit., p. 524.

Op. cit., p. 538.

Ibid.

Cf. Op. cit., pp. 536–537.

I cannot follow Professor Seligman in his use of the word currency, which is not very clearly defined by him. This word can be correctly applied to the armshells, spondylus discs, big polished blades of green stones, etc., only if we give it simply the meaning of “objects” or “tokens of wealth.” Currency as a rule means a medium of exchange and standard of value, and none of the Massim valuables fulfil these functions.

A short article on this subject has been published by the Rev. M. Gilmour, now head of the Methodist Mission in New Guinea. (Annual Report of British New Guinea, 1904–5, p. 71.) I used this article in the field, going over it with several natives of Kavataria, and I found it substantially correct, and on the whole formulated with precision. The need for extreme compression of statement has, however, led the Author into one or two ambiguities. Thus, the constant mention of “feasting” might give a wrong impression, for it is always the matter of a public distribution of food, which is then eaten apart, or in small groups, while the word “feast” suggests eating in common. Again, the data about the “sea-chief,” as Mr. Gilmour calls the leader of the privileged clan in Kavataria (cf. Chapter IX, Division III), seemed to me over-stated, when he is said to be “supreme,” to have “the right of determining an expedition,” and especially when it is said that he “had the right of first choice of a canoe.” This latter phrase must involve a misunderstanding; as we saw, each sub-clan (that is, each sub-division of the village) build their own canoe, and a subsequent swapping and free choice are out of the question. Mr. Gilmour was fully acquainted with the facts of the Kula, as I learnt from personal conversation.

Mr. Gilmour’s statement to the contrary namely that “the trips from the West—Kavataria and Kaileuna—were pure trading expeditions” (loc. cit.)—is incorrect. First, I am inclined to think that some of the Kavataria men did make the Kula in the Amphletts, where they always stopped on their way South, but this might have been only on a very small scale, and entirely overshadowed by the main object of the expedition, which was the trade with the Southern Koya. Secondly, as to the natives of Kayleula, I am certain that they made the Kula, from conclusive data collected both in the Trobriands and in the Amphletts.

I have given a more detailed description of this process which I had often opportunities to observe among the Mailu on the South coast. I never saw the making of an armshell in the Trobriands, but the two processes are identical according to detailed information which I obtained. (Compare the monograph on “The Natives of Mailu” by the Author, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, 1915, pp. 643–644.)

Both statements of Professor Seligman in the “Melanesians” (p. 89) are in entire agreement with the information I obtained among the Mailu. See Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, 1915, pp. 620–629.

Also in the before quoted article in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.

The best analysis of the problem of savage economy is to be found, in spite of its many shortcomings, in K. Bücher’s “Industrial Evolution,” English Translation, 1901. on primitive trade, however, his views are inadequate. In accordance with his general view that savages have no national economy, he maintains that any spread of goods among natives is achieved by non-economic means, such as robbery, tributes and gifts. The information contained in the present volume is incompatible with Bücher’s views, nor could he have maintained them had he been acquainted with Barton’s description of the Hiri (contained in Seligman’s “Melanesians.”)

A summary of the research done on Primitive Economics, showing incidentally, how little real, sound work has been accomplished, will be found in Pater W. Kopper’s “Die Ethnologische Wirtschaftsforschung” in Anthropos, X—XI, 1915–16, pp. 611–651, and 971–1079. The article is very useful, where the author summarises the views of others.

The following quotations from a recent scientific work published by the Oxford Press—“The Northern d’Entrecasteaux,” by D. Jenness, and the Rev. A. Ballantyne, 1920—are also examples of the dangerous and heedless tampering with the one authority that now binds the natives, the one discipline they can be relied upon to observe—that of their own tribal tradition. The relations of a church member who died, were “counselled to drop the harsher elements in their mourning,” and instead of the people being bidden “to observe each jot and tittle of their old, time-honoured rites,” they were advised from that day forth to leave off “those which had no meaning.” It is strange to find a trained ethnologist, confessing that old, time-honoured rites have no meaning! And one might feel tempted to ask: for whom it is that these customs have no meaning, for the natives or for the writers of the passage quoted?

The following incident is even more telling. A native headman of an inland village was supposed to keep concealed in his hut a magic pot, the “greatest ruler of winds, rain, and sunshine,” a pot which had “come down from times immemorial,” which according to some of the natives “in the beginning simply was.” According to the Authors, the owner of the pot used to descend on the coastal natives and “levy tribute,” threatening them with the magical powers of the pot if they refused. Some of the coastal natives went to the Missionary and asked him to interfere or get the magistrate to do so. It was arranged they should all go with the Missionary and seize the pot. But on the day “only one man turned up.” When the Missionary went, however, the natives blocked his path, and only through threats of punishments by the magistrate, were they induced to temporarily leave the village and thus to allow him to seize the pot! A few days later the Missionary accordingly took possession of the pot, which he broke. The Authors go on to say that after this incident “everyone was contented and happy;” except, one might add, the natives and those who would see in such occurrences the speedy destruction of native culture, and the final disintegration of the race.