industrial processes, on the whole, carry a larger portion of such competitive costs than the goods still produced by the old-fashioned detail methods of handicraft and household industry ; although this distinction does not hold hard and fast. In some extreme cases the cost of competitive selling may amount to more than ninety per cent, of the total cost of the goods when they reach the consumer. In other lines of business, commonly occupied with the production of staple goods, this constituent of cost may perhaps fall below ten per cent, of the total. Where the average, for the price of finished goods delivered to the consumers, may lie would be a hazardous guesa.'
I It is evident that the gains which accrue from this business of competitive selling and buying bear
■ Where competltiTe eeUing makes up a large proportion of the Aggregate final coHt of the markeWcJ product, this (act is likely lo show iUell In an exceptionally large proportion of good-will in the capitalilation of the concerns engaged in the given line of boshieBS the American Chicle Company,
Qo determinable relation to the services which the work in question may render the community. If a comparison may be hazarded between two unknown and indeterminate quantitiea, it may perhaps be said that the gains from competitive selling bear something more of a stable relation to the service rendered than do the gains derived from speculative transactions or from the financiering operations of the great captains of industry. It seems at least safe to say that the converse will not hold true. Gains and services seem more widely out of touch in the case of the large-scale financiering work. Not that the work of the large busmess men in reorganizing and consolidating the industrial process ia of slight consequence ; but as a general proposition, the amount of the business