philosophers embellish that theatrical edifice of “Western Democracy”, and with symbolic irony the quadrigae on the top of the buildings are driving away from each other towards the four quarters of the heavens, thus perfectly symbolizing the divergent tendencies inside.
The nationalities would have taken it as an insult and a provocation if Austrian history had been glorified in that work, just as in the German Empire it was not until the thunder of battle was heard in the World War that they had dared consecrate Paul Wallot’s Reichstag building in Berlin with an inscription, “To the German People”.
The destiny of the German race in the Austrian State was dependent on their strength in the Reichsrat. Up to the time when universal suffrage and the secret ballot were introduced, there was still a German majority in Parliament. This condition of affairs was specially objectionable because, owing to the unreliable behaviour of Social Democracy in a national sense, the latter always came forward in opposition to the German interest in critical questions affecting the German race —in order to avoid estranging its adherents amongst the various foreign races. Even then the Social Democrats could no longer be regarded as a German party. After universal suffrage was brought in the German superiority ceased even as a numerical majority. There was nothing now in the way of further de-Germanization of the State.
The desire for national self-preservation, therefore, led me to feel but little enthusiasm for popular repre¬ sentation, in which the German race was always being betrayed instead of being represented. Moreover, these were evils which, like so many others, were attributable not to the thing in itself, but to the Austrian State. In the early days I still thought that, if the German majority were restored in the representative bodies, there would be no occasion to go on with my opposition on principle, so long as the old State continued to exist.